Why Abortion should be illegal Essay Example Essay Example

Why Abortion should be illegal Essay Example Paper Why Abortion should be illegal Essay Introduction Why Abortion should be illegal BY rnwitry0993 Why Abortion Should Be Illegal Many people around the world view abortion as a normal life event for many women. However, people are unaware of the psychological effect this leaves on the women. More is lost than Just a baby. Mind, body, and loved ones can also be involved in effects from an abortion. The father and society as a whole are two other large things to consider into the situation of abortion. More than likely abortion has occurred or been related to every person in some way considering that â€Å"One baby is aborted every 26 seconds in the United States. Minnesota Citizens) Christopher Jacoby tells us in his article, â€Å"Side Effects of Abortion,† that â€Å"The thought of abortion for some women can be a source for emotional and mental disorder. Many women see that they have the choice to decide. † Oacoby) However, there are other people involved. Abortion not only affects the women that have them. The psycho logical effects of an abortion affect the mother, father and society and therefore abortion should be illegal. The first person that comes to mind when thinking about an abortion is the mother. She is the person who will have to suffer the physical pain of birthing a child. The woman is mentally affected in different ways. James C. Coyne author of â€Å"Negative Mental Health Effects of Abortion† tells us, women who have had a history of abortion have increased rates of anxiety, depression, alcohol misuse, marijuana use, and suicidal behavior compared to those who have not had an abortion. Women who have aborted are at a 55% higher risk of mental health problems compared to a woman with an unplanned pregnancy that research analyst Kira Foster, and Professor Tracy Weitz, 21 women who have had abortions were interviewed. This study explored the experiences of women who had egative emotional outcomes following abortion. Several of the participants had experienced more than one a bortion. Eighteen of the women reported having experienced emotional difficulty which included crying, anxiety, sadness and regret. The abortion experience was especially difficult when the woman’s romantic or sexual partner expressed a specific wish or pressure for the outcome of the pregnancy. How the family members respond to the pregnancy also affects the woman’s decision for an abortion. Why Abortion should be illegal Essay Body Paragraphs Some participants in this study say, they felt ‘backed into a corner’ to have the abortion even though they wanted to continue the regnancy. The shame of an abortion as well as lack of emotional support contributes to the women’s emotional and psychological distress post-abortion. (Kimport) This is a story that authors Ruth Kelly and Eimear O’Hagan tells of how abortion can mentally affect someone’s life. A woman named Sarah Giles tells how she had an abortion. She said, ‘l was only six weeks pregnant when I had my abortion, and even then I had bonded with my baby. She is proof that there are early connections toa living being. She also tells us, ‘It was two years ago and I haven’t been the same since. She continues to describe the day she went for her abortion. There were about 20 other woman going in that day and they were all herded in like cattle. It was horrible. ‘ After her abortion she saw many women around her sobbing , and the staff sitting in the office Just ignoring them all. Sarah tells how two years after the abortion she still feels regret and that she and her boyfriend made the wrong choice and the abortion nearly split them up. She also says how she sees pregnant women or mothers with young children who are so happy and thinks to herself, that couldVe been me,’ and it makes her cry. (O’Hagan) This story provides strong evidence of how mentally effected this woman was from her abortion. Women usually experience emotional side effects of an abortion. Minnesota Citizens Concerned for life state that â€Å"78% of all Americans believe women who have had an abortion commonly experience severe to very severe negative emotional reactions to the abortions. (Minnesota Citizens) According to Christopher Jacoby, â€Å"These side effects are sometimes referred to as post-traumatic stress. Effects include feelings of guilt that lead to eating disorders. Women can experience disturbance s in family life and sexual life. Stress can result in being fired from a workplace because when she is stressed, she might not be able to work properly. They may also not feel like giving birth to another child in the future. † Oacoby) A woman is highly emotionally and mentally affected from an abortion and also physically affected. These emotions and effects can come from any method of abortion. Jacoby tells us, one method is surgical abortion which is performed by means of surgery using tools and anesthesia to physically remove the baby. Some smaller effects include vomiting and nausea. Some other possible effects include bleeding which is usually common. In some cases the uterus gets punctured or cervix is torn; this might lead to intense bleeding following a blood transfusion to control it. The use of anesthesia is important but can also cause a heart attack, shaking, and even causes death. During surgery, the tools used might cause birth in the future can also occur. Oac oby) Author Roger W. Harms tells us in his article, â€Å"Getting Pregnant† about how â€Å"Vaginal bleeding during early pregnancy, preterm birth, or low birth weight in future babies are other possibilities. Placenta Previa is when the placenta partially or completely covers the cervix, which can cause evere bleeding before or during delivery. † (Harms) Author Jacoby also states that, A medical abortion is another form of abortion by taking a pill. This method seems very easy but has basically the same amount of effects as surgical abortion. Long- term side effects are sometimes also including abnormal side effects in the future and it has also been researched that women who have had an abortion have higher chances of getting breast cancer in the future. People see abortion as a way to get rid of their problems but this theory has been proven wrong. Oacoby) Abortion not nly affects a woman physically but also affects her emotionally and mentally. The result of killin g somebody who has not even been seen is very depressing and can result in life being completely changed. The mother is one of the most important people in making the decision about abortion; however she is not the only important person. The father was half of the reason the pregnancy came about. Without the father, there would be no pregnancy. Author Annie McElfresh tells us in her article, â€Å"Emotional Side Effects of an Abortion,† that â€Å"Most couples experience many of the effects of grief and loss together. The emotional and mental effects that leave a mark on women can be the same for men. † (McElfresh) The Abortion Recovery International Inc. ells us in their article, â€Å"The Impact of Abortion on Men,† that, Men are usually left standing in the shadows. Their suffering is more ‘silent’ than the mothers. A few different effects that men experience than women are anger and they may even become reckless in their behavior. Some men are e ven in denial of the whole abortion experience. They may not realize that the abortion is the reason for the feelings they are experiencing. Some men will draw themselves socially away rom others allowing it to bottle up and eat them away inside. Our culture shows us that men should be strong and courageous. Men are not known to be the ones to show their emotions, this being another reason they do not come out and open up with how they are truly feeling. They do not want to come off as weak. This is a common pattern with post abortion fathers. (Abortion Recovery International Inc) Many people do not realize that abortion does not need to be an option. According to the Minnesota Citizens Concerned for life, â€Å"Only 69% of all women want to know the alternatives to an abortion. (Minnesota Citizens) There are other options. Adoption is an alternative to abortion and accomplishes the same result of not having to raise that child for the rest of someone’s life. It is still giv ing the innocent child the chance at life. Linda Lowen also tells us that â€Å"With the 15 million American families wanting to adopt a child, there is no such thing as an unwanted child. † (Lowen) If people are old enough to involve themselves in sexual intercourse, they should be old enough to understand what comes out of it. There are many obvious ways to prevent pregnancy before the situation comes to making a crisis ecision of whether or not to keep or abort a child. Every person has or had a family or people who are close to them. Can you imagine not having that special person in your life because their parents chose not to give them their life, or watching a loved could have debated whether or not to have them. To put a loved one’s life in perspective brings this topic a little closer to heart. Don’t take away someone’s someday loved one. Don’t watch that loved one suffer because they didn’t have that baby. The psychological effects of an abortion affect the mother, father and society and therefore abortions should be illegal in the United States. Work Cited Abortion Recovery International Inc. â€Å"The Impact of Abortion on Men. † Airn Care Directory Line. 2008-2009. web 3 May, 2013. Agresti, Coyne, James C. â€Å"Negative Mental Health Effects of Abortion. † Psychology Today. 24 Oct, 2011. Web 7 May, 2013. http://www. psychologytoday. com/blog/the-skeptical- sleuth/201110/negative-mental-health-effects-abortion Harms, Roger W. â€Å"Getting Pregnant. † Mayo Clinic. 10 Aug, 2012. Web 6 May, 2013. Jacoby, Christopher. â€Å"Side Effects of Abortion. † Health Guidance. Web 3 May, 2013. Kimport, Katrina, Kira Foster, and Tracy Weitz. â€Å"Social Sources of Women’s Emotional Difficulty After Abortion: Lessons from Women’s Abortion Narratives Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health. † Wiley Online Library. 2011. 43(2):103-109, dot: 10. 1363/4310311 Lowen, L inda. â€Å"10 Abortion Arguments† Women’s Issues. 2013. Web 7 May, 2013. Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life. â€Å"United States Abortion Statistics. † MCCL. 2012. web 3 May, 2013. McElfresh, Annie. â€Å"Emotional Side Effects of an Abortion. † Livestrong. 28 March, 2011. web 3 May, 2013. O’Hagan, Eimear and Ruth Kelly. â€Å"What WE Think of Abortion by the Women Who Had Them. † Mail online. 13 sep, 2007. web 2 May, 2013. 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Sparta after the Peloponnesian War essays

Sparta after the Peloponnesian War essays After the Peloponnesian War, Spartan hegemony of Greece would seem to have been assured. A single generation, though, would have seen Sparta at the peak of its power, and its defeat by the Thebans at Leuctra, effectively turning it into a second rate power. The victory in the Peloponnesian War was a significant factor in bringing about this change in fortune, but other long term factors have also been identified which suggest that Spartan undoing had long been in the pipeline. Victory in the Peloponnesian War brought about Spartan hegemony and the establishment of a Spartan Empire. The Spartan slogan of liberation was dropped. Around 400, for example, King Agis led an army north to punish Elis for earlier disloyalty. Lysanders puppet oligarchies were tied to Sparta far more firmly than any of Athens subjects had been during the time of her empire. They were hated in their states both as puppets and as oligarchs, and Sparta came to be hated through them. This power of Sparta bred fear among her more independent and stronger allies. The Corinthians and Boiotians who would have welcomed Athens destruction in 404, saw oligarchic Athens as just the Spartan satellite they feared, and so Boiotia assists the returning Athenian democrats, Corinth and Boiotia refuse to join in the campaign against Elis, and a few years later a Corinthian, Boiotian and Athenian alliance was formed. After the war, Sparta began, in 401, to meddle in Persian affairs. This revolved around Lysander and Cyrus. Cyrus wanted the Persian throne and tried to enlist Spartan help. Sparta gave support, but Cyrus was defeated by Artaxerxes. Then Sparta, in 400, remembered her slogan of liberation and began a war with Persia on behalf of the Asian Greeks. This was a distraction which encouraged Spartas enemies at home, and, three years later, she was at war with Athens, Corinth and Boiotia. Lysander was killed at Haliartos...

High-commitment HRM is more rhetoric than reality Essay

High-commitment HRM is more rhetoric than reality - Essay Example The paper tells that the term high commitment HRM can be defined as a set of HR policies and practices which are aimed to bring performance improvement in all the organization. There are various components of high quality HRM policies which are described below. Employee is the most primary element of the human resource management. One of the major component which deals with the high commitment HRM is regarding their security and the internal condition of the labor market. Employment security has been regarded as a high matter of concern because organizations cannot demand the best of the employee’s performance and dedication without providing them security and having concern for their career. Providing of employment security enhances the employment relationship. The most significant factor about the inclusion of employments security in the human resource policies is that it aims at eliminating job reductions and the employee’s expectation from the organization reaches a substantial level. Such policies also bring in to fact that the human resource management aims to highlight that they do not treat the workers of the organizations as variable cost but rather treat them as an asset who had their major contribution towards the organizational development. High commitment HRM also specifies that the employees hired in the organization through the selective recruitment process needs to be undergone through extensive training sessions to have a clear knowledge regarding their roles and the working of the organization. ... t significant factor about the inclusion of employments security in the human resource policies is that it aims at eliminating job reductions and the employee’s expectation from the organization reaches a substantial level. Such policies also bring in to fact that the human resource management aims to highlight that they do not treat the workers of the organizations as variable cost but rather treat them as an asset who had their major contribution towards the organizational development. High commitment HRM also specifies that the employees hired in the organization through the selective recruitment process needs to be undergone through extensive training sessions to have a clear knowledge regarding their roles and the working of the organization. Much importance has been stressed on the importance of the individual and organizational learning. Skill specific forms of training are being suggested in the principle of high commitment human resource management. Providing employee s with the necessary training also contributes to their overall development. Employee involvement and sharing of information among them also appears to be one of the vital components of the high commitment HRM. Sharing of information relating to organizational performance and financial matters will provide the employees with the updated information and would also be helpful in conveying the message that the employees are trusted and treated in an open environment with a positive manner. Employee participation can also be helpful for the management in providing them with legitimacy for their actions. Employee information and participation involves downward communication, problem solving groups which are designed to increase the rate of the employee participation. The importance of employee voice

Fallacies Composition and Division Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Fallacies Composition and Division - Essay Example Hence, fallacious arguments are not always true and should be taken with a pinch of salt. A fallacious argument follows certain reasons that might be considered as logical to come to a conclusion in one’s favor. The pattern of reasoning in fallacy is based on criteria that is confined to promote the interests of the person and primarily relates to the expected conclusions or to conclude the argument as the wishes of the person. The person may follow any of the following set of reasons: Cite an authority to prove one’s point; quote categorized statistics; refer to one’s personal experience; and use analogies. Interestingly, while the person may consider the arguments as logical, the very pattern of reasoning makes it highly illogical because they lack the basic principles of universal validation processes. The most common fallacious argument that is prevalent in the society is that of Post Hoc Ergo Propter Hoc version of fallacy. These arguments base their reasoning on the events that has led to certain conclusion. The cause and effect theory is generally applied to prove one’s point of view. In the above example, the cause is false because merely pointing out that John and family had become sick due to vegetarian diet is inadequate for concluding that vegetarian diet is bad. There might have been a number of things that could have made them sick. There could have been many reasons like inadequate clothing, irregular eating habit, weak immunity system or even the fact that they might have been extremely tired and overworked, that could be responsible for their being sick. The conclusion is based on some previous event that is not substantial enough to warrant such conclusion. Hence it can be safely stated that the person has used the fallacious statement to prove his point. It cannot be accepted as a logical argument which will be universally

The Collapse of Communism in the USSR and Eastern Europe Essay Example for Free

The Collapse of Communism in the USSR and Eastern Europe Essay Analyses of the collapse of communism have followed a dialectical path since the early 1990s, explaining the implosion first as the direct result of US pressure, then as the inevitable fall of a flawed system, and finally, as a combination of the two. This fluctuation has occurred as national archives from both the East and the West have become increasingly accessible, giving historians a more complete picture of trends that may have contributed to the climate within the Eastern bloc at the beginning of the relevant period. Indeed, such documents have been instrumental in dispelling the view that the pivotal events of 1989 had relatively short-term roots. Some analysts have developed reasonable arguments tracing the fall of the Warsaw Pact back only as far as 1985, but for the most part, these are unsatisfying, ignoring critical factors such as the rise of the hawkists in America, and the role of world-wide peace movements. In addition, the release of top secret CIA files has shed interesting light on the under-rated Afghan conflict. These suggest that far from being yet another target for moralistic US containment, Afghanistan was set up by the Americans as an attempt to trap the Soviets in an exhausting Third World contest- to give them their own Vietnam. This discovery, and others relating to the nuclear arms race, technology, the media, and human rights debates, indicates that while not as active as initially supposed, the US was highly instrumental in bringing down European communism. At the same time, however, evidence of a self-perpetuating economic crisis, a crisis which was to spawn the powerful dissident movements in Eastern Europe, can be seen in Soviet archives as early as 1960. It could thus be argued that communism was, as an impractical, unpopular system, doomed to eventual failure. That this occurred on such a grand scale, however, and as early as 1989, must be attributed to Gorbachevs dramatic reform policies; these were in turn shaped by both external and internal pressures, as well as the particular political matrix, formulated under Khrushchev, in which Gorbachevs career began. In order to fully understand the forces that pushed Moscow towards such reforms, it is necessary to begin with the 1970s and the Soviet Union under Brezhnev. This was a period that left a strong legacy economically and thus shaped the local and international environments to a significant degree. A time of superpower dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente, both East and West were feeling the strain of Cold War competition- President Nixon of the U.S. looking for a way to liquidate the Vietnam War, and Brezhnev beginning to find the arms race excessively expensive. Trade between the two sides increased, and the common goal of nuclear non-proliferation led to various limitation agreements, such as the ABM Treaty of 1972. It was within this context, as Brezhnev was finally able to turn his attention to the process of catching up with the West financially and technologically, that the extent of the economic crisis in the communist states first became apparent. Dissent in Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and, to a lesser extent, East Germany, had rung the alarm bells frequently throughout the preceding two decades, but the dilemma had never really absorbed much of the leaderships notice until now. Due to poor management of state funds, corruption within the system- granting party officials special luxuries, and an unbalanced emphasis on industrial manufacture, living standards within the Eastern camp were at a universal low. This was despite successful oil and steel production, the proceeds from which went to the maintenance of the KGB and the military presence in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America. Commodities were difficult to obtain, having been sacrificed for power plants that were needed to support industry, and, as a result, labour productivity and life expectancy were on the decline. In addition, government subsidies ate up such a large portion of the state budget that foreign trade had to be restricted, and importing rationed. These conditions had long been the fuel for various dissident undercurrents, which were intensified by strict censorship; as Timothy Sowula puts it, nothing nurtures dissent like the inability to express it.1 Although not anti-communist in essence, being rather concerned with democratizing socialism than with implementing Western ideology, these movements, particularly in Hungary and Poland, called for a reduction in state control, and promoted pluralism, and were thus clearly founded on a lack of faith in communism as an economic mechanism. These groups would later develop into powerful policy-setting factions. That they should be given more freedom to express their views first dawned upon the Soviet leadership during Brezhnevs tenure, as the intervention in Czechoslovakia in 1968 and the crushing of Solidarity in 1981 proved destructively expensive both financially and in terms of propaganda. These trends- of economic decline and accompanying dissent- were clearly of predominantly internal beginnings. Basic faults in the system, such as excessive state control, corruption, over-emphasis on industry and the military, in addition to the characteristically repressive environment, caused the crisis situation to emerge as rampant by the 1970s. As recently upgraded spy systems relayed, irregularly it is true, updates on these problems to the West, they were picked up by hawkists within America and taken into careful consideration by those in charge of developing foreign policy. Dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente had, once again, lost its luster in the eyes of many instrumental figures, and was viewed not merely as an expression of Americas weakness but also as a cause of it. 2 In addition, U.S. failures such as Vietnam and Watergate had damaged Western morale, and President Jimmy Carter was under pressure to make a strong reinstatement of American prestige. The main source of this pressure, a new political branch later branded neo-conservative, became prominent in the late 1970s, and followed Richard Piper in stating that: The notion that through accommodation you could change (the Soviets) was faulty. To change them you needed a very hard line policy.3 It was this branch, in control of perhaps the majority of the votes in the Senate by 1979, that formulated the adjusted US line: the exploitation of Soviet weaknesses in several different forums. The first arm of this strategy was clandestine support for the existing dissident movements in Eastern Europe. Solidarity, for instance, was largely dependent on printing equipment smuggled in from the U.S, using it to put out regular bulletins coordinating strikes, presenting political advice, and informing members of trade union meetings. The same equipment was also used to publish forbidden books and essays for Solidaritys extensive underground education system. This was not exclusive to Poland, either- evidence suggests that Washington furnished insurrectionist organizations in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany with similar printing machinery. This sponsorship effectively laid the platform for the reform campaigns that were launched both subversively and in the main-stream political arena. In addition, there are numerous records of visits by American politicians to pro-Western officials in Eastern Europe, encouraging them in their resistance, and helping them to develop the petitions that they placed before the leadership in their respective countries. Thus, it is clear that the U.S. did play a relatively influential role in developing the capacity of these movements, although they were, as already stated, self creating and sustaining. In other words, it would be fair to say that while it did not incite their sentiments, the U.S. did equip those who fought for the fatal reforms that would bring down communism. Another important forum of U.S. pressure was the human rights debate. This had begun in 1975 with the signing of the Helsinki Final Act, but had not really evoked wide interest until approximately five years later, as a strong realpolitik contingent in the West had spurned the human rights issue as an unnecessary ideological digression. It was only as Jimmy Carters public promotion of humanitarianism, a tactic which had been rarely used since Vietnam, succeeded in gaining popular support, that U.S. policy makers reincorporated the human rights line into their scheme. And, indeed, this proved a worthwhile investment. Inciting peace movements across the West, and providing the dissident factions in the East with a weapon with which to fight oppression, the Helsinki Final Act, when brought to life, became a powerful document in the context of Cold War competition. It provided a frame of reference by which the peoples of the world could judge both domestic conditions and superpower behaviour in the various conquests of the 1980s. It formed the foundation for reformist debates behind the Iron Curtain, particularly on the subjects of state sovereignty and dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente. While it gained great public acclaim as a rare superpower agreement to play by the same rules, however, the Helsinki process was in fact treated with little respect by its signatories. That the U.S. valued it as something that the media could use to bring out Soviet atrocities, both within its own quarters and in places like Afghanistan, more than as a genuine moral code, was evident in Washingtons ongoing support of brutal military dictatorships in Central America, and its collaboration with apartheid South Africa. Likewise, the Soviet Union ignored the terms of the act, which were not legally binding, and opposed the freedom of traffic and of the press that it stipulated. Ultimately, although thus under-rated by the Kremlin, the Helsinki Final Act was to facilitate one of the major exposà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½s of the communist system, officially dissolving the myth that communism was socialism with a human face.4 Of course, the success of this human rights operation depended largely on the media. In fact, it was as coverage of peace demonstrations in the West reached the East that an echo effect began to occur, winning support for the dissident movements and dividing central party regimes- a crucial hollowing process that would set up the later implosion. With the tight censorship exercised by Eastern regimes during this period, it may seem surprising that Western media so dramatically influenced areas such as Poland and Hungary, but highly developed technology had basically put an end to the shielding and isolating of peoples in communist countries. This was particularly true in East Germany- the normalization of relations with West Germany in August 1972 and resulted in East Germans being allowed to watch West German T.V. As had been the case throughout the Cold War, what happened in Germany set the tone for the rest of Europe. Combined with Washingtons equipping of Solidarity, this media traffic had under-estimated ramifications. Not only did it expose the peoples of the communist world to the human rights debate, it also, and perhaps more importantly, allowed them to experience the full extent of the disparity between living conditions in the East and living conditions in the West. This, a tribute to the merits of capitalism, and a tool for awakening civilians to their own economic repression, mobilized reformist movements in a way that even Washington, responsible for developing the technology for this project, had never anticipated. Running parallel to these subtler channels of pressure was the typically forefront issue of nuclear arms. And, indeed, a dramatic shift in U.S. nuclear policy around 1978-79 can be discerned, although demand for a zero option in Europe was a consistent theme throughout the relevant period. To return briefly to the 1970s and dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente, we see the nuclear arms race denounced as pointless- a vicious circle.5 Both the U.S. and the Soviet Union made marked steps during this passage of the Cold War towards the dissolution of the contest- with the partial test ban treaty of 1968, and the ABM treaty of 1972. Approximately mid-way through Jimmy Carters term, however, the soft-line policy was reversed, and the U.S. began to pressurize the Soviets by developing MRVs, and escalating the production of unlimited weapons. In addition, NATO formulated a tough response to the previously unanswered SS 20 missiles, which allegedly targeted Western Europe. The proposed introduction of the Pershing II and Tomahawk missiles in West Germany and the Netherlands was a new approach, replacing the former agreement to engage in talks on the matter. That this shift coincided with the realization that the nuclear arms race was exhausting dwindling Soviet resources and morale, suggests that it was the direct result of new insights into Soviet behaviour. As American pressure in this arena continued to rise with the development of SDI, the reality that the USSR lacked the power to retaliate began to dawn upon those in charge of foreign policy. One would think, with the traditional gauge of Cold War tensions- the nuclear contest, in such a unilateral state, that superpower relations were becoming progressively peaceful. The irony that summit talks consistently coincided with outbreaks or accelerations in external conflicts demonstrated, however, that this was not the case. In fact, if the impression that the Soviets were suddenly more pro-dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente than the U.S. in the nuclear sense even emerged, Washington quickly eradicated it by turning the worlds attention to undoubtedly aggressive Soviet behaviour in the Middle East and Angola. Exploitation of the Soviet tendency to get involved in Third World conflicts became perhaps the focus of U.S. foreign policy during the late 1970s and early 80s, as can be seen in the most obvious and important example: Afghanistan. The superpower-funded war in Afghanistan was, as stated earlier, misunderstood until perhaps a few years ago. At the time of its occurrence, and during its immediate aftermath, U.S. involvement in Afghanistan was generally defined as an extension of containment, justified with the characteristic moral charge and talk of liberating Afghan captives from an unwanted regime. According to this view, the Soviet Union entered Afghanistan to suppress popular sentiments that threatened their dominance, prompting an objection and military response from the U.S. New evidence suggests, however, that the launch of the covert CIA operation in Afghanistan was hardly a reaction to Soviet movements. On the contrary, substantial U.S. activity was recorded in the area as early as 6 months before the deployment of the Red Army, as officials stirred up opposition to the government, promising military support for an insurrection. Mr. Brezezinksi, adviser to Carter at the time, sums this up, saying: According to the official version of history, aid to the moujahideen began during 1980after the Soviet army invadedBut the realitysecretly guardedis completely otherwise.6 Having established this, we can see that U.S. involvement in Afghanistan had a far from peaceable source; quite the opposite, the plan of action was to induce a Soviet military intervention.7 The purposes of this operation were multiple, but are encapsulated in Brezezinksis statement, quoted earlier, that this was the (Soviets) own Vietnam8- in other words, a conflict designed to exhaust economically, raise disputes at home, and as a touch-point for propaganda. And it worked, too. Domestically, by the time the conquest was five years old, and had claimed thousands of Soviet lives, it had become extremely unpopular, fuelling dissent, and disillusioning even faithful communists. Economically, a battle fought in the mountains with helicopters against the powerful US FIM-92 Stingers was expensive, and, in addition, created a rift between the Red Army and the Soviet leadership as the fighting went on past the desired date of departure. Further, since the West controlled the international media, it was able to present coverage of the exchange with a prejudice, emphasizing the Soviet atrocities and the number of civilian deaths. Human rights were, as one would expect, a major talking point within this context. In addition to undermining the Soviet Union in the above ways, Afghanistan was used as a pretext to end every vestige of dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente. The promising grain trade that had sprung up between the U.S. and the East was abruptly brought to a close. Then, Washington pressured the Saudi Arabian leadership, which was co-operating with the CIA in Afghanistan, to lower oil prices, and thus undercut the Soviet monopoly. Simultaneously, the White House denounced the SALT II Treaty as meaningless, and began inciting people in the West to express their disapproval of Soviet actions by boycotting the 1980 Moscow Olympics. The result of all these manouevres was a dramatic heightening in temperature in the Soviet Union, as it found itself stretched and tested at numerous points- economic, political, and military. It is clear, then, that it was a combination of both internal and external forces that shaped the political climate in Moscow in the critical mid-80s period. An additional factor, overlooked in that it is better defined as a context than as a force, was the legacy of dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente and democratization that Khrushchev had left the communist party. While gradually eradicated from main-stream politics as its negative effects began to emerge in Eastern Europe and China, this remained an important influence in specific circles. It had a particular impact on those whose careers had begun under Khrushchev, as his anti-Stalinism left a lasting imprint on minds trained to worship an infallible Soviet leadership. These politicians, many harbouring inclinations towards democratization and reform despite Brezhnevs harsh Sinatra Doctrine, were to emerge as central figures in the Kremlin by 1985. This created an entirely new environment, uniquely receptive to the heightening pressure for refor m that was applied through the previously mentioned channels. Mikhail Gorbachev, a leading figure within this political contingent, was elected head of the communist party both as a result of the natural process outlined above, and as officials realized that the public would best submit to someone with plans for reform. His policies have been cited as the major cause of the collapse of communism, which is reasonable in a limited sense, but they must be viewed as the product of the existing domestic and international situations rather than as a theoretical digression. Faced with such economic, political, and military strain, Gorbachev virtually had no other choice than to seek to minimize Soviet expenses. And this meant, of course, reorganizing the empire for efficiency (perestroika). It also entailed pacifying the masses by giving them a voice; the policy of open discussion, known as glasnost, reduced censorship and allowed debates on ideology to take place. This approach was developed with the aim of liquidating factions such as Solidarity, by giving them certain concessions, for example, freedom of speech and of assembly. As later became evident, however, both this policy and perestroika had a far from calming effect in the Soviet Union and in Eastern Europe. Ultimately, Gorbachevs reforms destroyed communist rule because they compromised the central police force and terror necessary to its survival- allowing pluralism, and opening gateways to the West. This took place in both an economic and a political sense, so that capitalist influences infiltrated almost every sphere of Soviet society. The first of Gorbachevs policies to make an impact was perestroika, which was put before the Kremlin in June 1987, and began to affect the economic structure almost immediately. As early as August, the Soviet Union had begun to make overtures to British prime-minister Margaret Thatcher, arranging for Western businesses to be established on Soviet soil, and opening up the oil trade. A series of joint ventures were set up the following year, although they were never to achieve the stated goal of helping the USSR to advance technologically. At the same time, petroleum production was restored, state planning diminished, taxes regulated, and a law passed permitting private businesses to operate. These changes were to affect almost everyone- many negatively, as alterations in factory relationships caused workers to lose their jobs. In fact, this economic democratization actually worsened living conditions- that this occurred just as the people were becoming exposed to the comparative wealth of Western nations as traffic flow and the media opened up, ensured that perestroika contributed significantly to the fall of communism. This exposure came with the policy of glasnost, introduced in the Soviet Union in late 1987, and entailing the open discussion of communist ideology both through the media, and within the Party. Its inception was accompanied by Gorbachevs declaration before the UN that he would not intervene in the internal affairs of other Warsaw Pact countries. Together, these liberalizations virtually ended communist terror, opening the way for reform. In addition, the new media freedoms enabled programs detailing past Soviet atrocities, such as the gulags and the Great Purges, to be broadcast. At the same time, the inefficiency of Stalins mechanisms and the extent of state corruption in the past were made known in full to the public. This greatly undermined the peoples faith in the system- it eroded the CPs social power base, by bringing down its traditional corner stones- the hierarchy of the politburo, and CP dominance. The effects of these policies were first evident in Eastern Europe, as dissident movements supported by Gorbachev began to gain power. In Poland, for instance, the previously banned Civic Society was able to rise to a position where it could negotiate for economic reforms and other freedoms- freedoms which would eventually lead to pluralism. Hungary followed a similar course, its underground organizations receiving encouragement and inspiration from Gorbachev, and Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Bulgaria, while slower to get started, eventually experienced much the same thing. This process- the rise of dissent and the consequent introduction of non-communist elements into the party- escalated as it became increasing clear that Moscow had no intention of opposing democratization. It culminated in 1988-89, as a series of insurrections, some violent, some peaceful, brought about the reinstatement of free elections and the overthrow of communist regimes across Eastern Europe. This implosion is perhaps symbolized by the fall of the Berlin Wall, which occurred after Gorbachev liscensed Hungary to open its border and thus provide an escape route for East Germans. It was echoed in the Soviet Union two years later- the Red Army had staged a brief coup in the interests of a military intervention in Eastern Europe, and had failed. Gorbachev had tried to regain popular support, and had proposed a new constitution, dismissing the CPCC, but Estonia, Ukraine, and Belarus nonetheless declared their independence. By 1991, communist rule in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union was over, and the world was left to reflect on the sad, bizarre chapter in human history,9 that had just been written. It can thus be confirmed that the decline of communism after 1985 was the direct result of Gorbachevs policies. And, in this sense, it was an internal force that brought about the actual collapse that occurred, although, as already established, this was shaped both by U.S. pressure and conditions within the Eastern bloc. It is important, in addition, not to overlook the role that American policy played in these latter years. That Reagan and Thatcher continued to build western economies that far outshone those in the East certainly kept the pressure on the communists. Likewise, Regan constantly challenged Gorbachevs commitment to peace, demanding that he open this gatetear down this wall.10 For the most part, however, the collapse was self-contained after 1985. It is perhaps best summarized by Erik Chenoweth in his article, Common Elements of Successful Opposition to Communism: pluralism is an anathema to communism andcan survive communisms system of terror, where the systems terror is balanced by societys opposition.11 1 Timothy Sowula, The Helsinki Process and the Death of Communism, 2002. 2 Richard Piper, Dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente and Its Demise, 2001. 3 ibid. 4 Timothy Sowula, ibid 5 Colonel-General Nikolai Chervov, as quoted in Dà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½tente And Its Demise, 2001 6 Brezezinksi, The Afghan Caper, 2004 7 ibid. 8 ibid. 9 Robert Reagan as quoted in Misinterpreting the Cold War- www.foreignaffairs.org/19950/001fareviewessay5008/richard-pipes.html 10 ibid. 11 http://www.idee.org/cubaideas4.html

Comparing Mary Anne in Sweetheart of the Song Tra Bong and Kurtz in Apo

Comparing Mary Anne in Sweetheart of the Song Tra Bong and Kurtz in Apocalypse Now  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚   In 1979, Francis Coppola released a film that he said he hoped "would give its audience a sense of the horror, the madness, the sensuousness, and the moral dilemma of the Vietnam war" (as quoted in Hagen 230). His film, Apocalypse Now, based on Joseph Conrad's 1902 novel Heart of Darkness, is the story of Captain Benjamin Willard's (Martin Sheen) journey to the interior of the jungle of Southeastern Asia for the purpose of executing his orders to track down Colonel Walter E. Kurtz (Marlon Brando). Once Kurtz is located, Willard is to "terminate his command with extreme prejudice" because Kurtz has raised an army of deserters and natives, whom he rules over like a fanatical war lord- When Willard finally reaches Kurtz's compound and meets him, he discovers a man who has descended into primitive barbarism. From the beginning of their encounter, Kurtz knows why Willard was sent to find him and makes no effort to stop Willard from slaying him with a machete. With his mission accomplished, Willard boards the boat that will take him. back to civilization. Tim O'Brien's story "Sweetheart of the Song Tra Bong" is like Apocalypse Now in that it is also about a character who "crossed to the other side." Her name is Mary Anne and her boyfriend, Mark Fossie, has her shipped over to Vietnam to be with him. However, instead of reacting to the atmosphere of the war as Fossie thougbt she would, she becomes fascinated with the mystery of it, and over the course of the story is completely drawn in by the jungle's allure. Over a period of weeks, she disappears on ambushes with a nearby squad of Green Berets and when finally confronted by Fossie, he fi... ...e Now (1979): Joseph Conrad and the Television War." Hollvwood As Historian: American Film in a Cultural Context. Ed. Peter C. Rollins. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky, 1983. 230-245. O'Brien, Tim. "How to Tell a True War Story," Writing As Re-Vision: A Studenl's Anthology Ed. Beth Alvarado and Barbara Cully. Needham Heights, MA: Simon and Schuster Custom Publishing, 1996. 550-558. __________. "Sweetheart of the Song Tra Bong,." The Things They Carried. New York: Viking Penguin. 1990. 101-125. __________. "The Vietnam in Me." Writing As Re- Vision: A Student's Antholoqy. 559-571. Phillips, Gene D. Conrad and Cinema: The Art of Adaptation. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 1995. Watts, Cedric. 'Heart of Darkness.' The Cambridge Companion to Joseph Conrad. Ed. J.H. Stape. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. 45-62.      

Macroeconomic questions Essay

1. In America heavy-duty street cleaning machines driven by one person because the government is able to effort to play the machinery. In other countries they don’t have the resources to invest there money in machinery and they have people cleaning with brooms. Labor is cheaper then paying a machinery and spending money on gas as well. 2. The basic question facing any society does technology that play the greatest role, â€Å"How are these goods and services to be produced?†. Technology plays one of the biggest roles because goods are produced with machinery. 3. PPF that is concave shows a more genuine production possibilities and the PPF is bowed out from the origin because opportunity costs rise and more factors are used. 4. Unemployment is shown on the PPF by the line shifting to the left due to the fact that the production would decrease. 5. Three factors that can contribute to an economy’s growth would be increasing labor, increase in population, and capital accumulation. 6. A country would still be able to benefit from trade because they can produce goods at a lower cost and be able to use inputs of other products of which they traded. 7. 7. The main concept of the video was mainly specialization. This is how things have improved in productivity; it displays that everything in the world plays propose. The video used an example of making hamburgers, the restaurant has employees and each has there own job, with everyone doing they’re jobs hamburgers are produced faster and more efficiently. The employees are basically the motor of the restaurant, which make them an important factor.